Stuart
C Bate
(2001
Culture in Christian Praxis”. JTSA 109: 67-82.)
1.
Introduction
Reflection
on the role of culture in Christianity is a growing area of concern in current
theological endeavour. In South Africa, however, the issue may be treated
warily since in our history the
use of a cultural approach to faith and life led to apartheid as a social
solution to a perceived Arace
problem@.
This >contextual=
theology relied on Ethnos theory and Volkekunde to identify Acultural
groups@
each proposed to have a life of its own, each supposed to form a society of
its own and each called to have a Christianity of its own.[1]
Herein
lies the danger of all >contextual=
theologies which turn in on themselves and refuse the responsibility of unity
with the wider Christian community. However a valid hermeneutics of suspicion
should not lead us to throw the baby out with the bath water. Culture is a
necessary aspect of the human condition and in a rich and varied society like
our own we do need to use the insights of cultural and social anthropology in
our theological discourse. Our history should make us more sensitive to the
pitfalls and such sensitivity may allow us to make a valuable contribution to
the ongoing international debate.
The
principal theological term that is emerging around the cultural dimension of
Christianity is that of inculturation.
2.
Inculturation
Inculturation
is indeed a theological term. However it is closely linked with the
anthropological term enculturation which refers to the process of
learning one=s
own culture. Enculturation occurs as children grow up and develop the
language, symbol structure and behaviour patterns around which human life is
lived. In Anglo-American social anthropology the term socialisation is often
used for the same process.[2]
Inculturation
was originally used in an analogous sense to enculturation to describe the
growth of Anew
churches@
in mission areas as they grew into their own culture (Roest Crollius 1986:37).
So the term is an ecclesiological one concerning the relationship of a local
church and the culture of the people who make it up (:38). It has also been
used to refer to the emergence of the local church in a place where the term Alocal church@
is reserved to a church which is indeed local and somehow conformed to the
local culture rather than being foreign in outlook, ethos and praxis (Bate
1999:266-282). The theological problematic in this ecclesiological use of the
word results from the fact that new churches are necessarily founded by people
from sending churches who evangelise largely using the faith expression of
their own culture (Sanneh 1989:2-3; Bate 1999:274-282). And the process of
becoming local is a process of culture change as the church=s
culture changes from that of the sending church to the culture of the local
people who make it up.
Inculturation
is a powerful theological term since it is not restricted to ecclesiology but
can be used throughout the many theological disciplines. On a Christological
level it bases itself on the life of Jesus who is incarnate into life in a
Jewish culture. The paschal mystery also occurs within that same culture
although the cosmic dimensions clearly transcend it. Inculturation in
Christology searches for the Jesus incarnate in local cultures and the
presence of the paschal mystery within local peoples (Nyamiti 1984; Bujo
1992). On the level of Biblical theology inculturation concerns itself with
the culturality of the Bible. One important example of this would be the
process of the Church growing into the Greek culture which is dealt with from
Acts Chap 10 to 15 (Sanneh 1989: 24-28; Okure 1990).
On
a pneumatological level the focus is the presence and role of the Holy Spirit
in the world: in creation, in Jesus=
life and in the life of the church and today. Pneumatology is at the centre of
missiology, pastoral and practical theology. In these theological disciplines,
inculturation examines the culturality of Christianity in its praxis
especially as manifest in Martyria, Kerygma, Koinonia, Leiturgia and
Diakonia.[3]
This
paper will focus on theology as a reflection on Christian activity. I intend
to examine the proposition that Christian praxis is always in terms of
culturally mediated Christian responses to culturally mediated human needs.
3.
Culture and Christian Activity
Firstly
we affirm that culture always plays a role in mission, ministry and pastoral
practice. This simple truism whilst relatively obvious has been little
acknowledged in much of theological discourse. Sometimes it has been expressed
as the relationship between the church and culture but there is a danger in
such an approach. When looking at the role of culture in Christian praxis we
must avoid reifying the terms and concepts we use. There is no such Athing@ as Aculture@
or Achurch@.
So looking at the relationship between them as though they were things in
relationship to one another can confuse the issue. The only Athings@
that we are dealing with here are human beings. Our theology is always about
human beings and their faith expression in life.[4]
Since human life is always cultural so the human community which makes
up the church is always cultural.[5]
And by the same token, the faith expression of that community will be
cultural.
Another
important step is the appropriation of an
understanding of culture which can be helpful to our theological endeavour. In
South Africa in particular, but in much of sub-Saharan Africa in general, we
tend to have been socialised into an ethnic understanding of culture. Culture
has been presented as our Aethnicity@
or as our Anational
group@.
This is largely as a result of modern[6]
western culture and colonialism where notions of the nation state and the
ethnic group were important for social understanding.[7]
But it also finds an echo in tribal rivalry and inter-ethnic
intolerance in the African context both historically and currently. A more
helpful approach to culture as is one which sees it as present in every type
of human community on every social level. Whenever human beings are in
relationship with one another, human culture arises describing and informing
that relationship. In this way I could speak of the Bate culture of my family.
On the level of wider related communities one might speak of the culture of a
group like the AMpondomise (whose royal clan name was Majola)@
(Hammond-Tooke 1993:110).[8]
On the level of an ethnic group one could speak of Zulu culture. On the level
of religious communities one could speak of Catholic culture, Evangelical
culture or Hindu culture. On the level of country communities one can speak of
Zambian, French or German culture. And on the level of continents one might
speak of African culture, Asian Culture or European culture. In South African
sport we find Pirates culture, Springbok culture and Bafana
Bafana culture.[9] In other words when human beings are
linked in relatedness, a culture emerges. This means that it is possible for
people to participate in many different cultural matrices at the same time and
whilst this was not generally the norm in the past when communities
were relatively homogeneous and isolated from others, it is clearly so in a
world where the web of human relationships is wide
as it is in the urban and global contexts where most live their human
lives today.
Now
culture affects many aspects of our humanity. On the level of experience, we
find that our perception, our common sense, our preferences and our tastes are
all influenced by it. On the epistemological level culture influences and even
conditions our understanding concerning the truth about things, our
explanatory models of reality as well as our epistemological systems of
human reason and human
judgement. This means for example that the truth of events is never the same
for people inhabiting differing cultural matrices. This is why people get into
disputes about all kinds of things from those as simple as penalties in soccer
matches, to questions concerning the nature of sickness and healing, the
meaning of a lightening strike and disputes between different political
groupings. Whilst the truth of a situation is clear for one group. It is
equally clearly not true for the other.
On
a deeper level we find our value and belief systems. It is on this level where
we make our transcendental judgements regarding the good. It is the level of
our deepest beliefs which orient our life and which inform our values. The
bible expresses this level as Afaith,
hope and love, these three abide@
(1 Cor 13:13). Cultural anthropology shows us that on this level, too, our
culturality is wound togther with these beliefs and values and indeed that
these beliefs and values are at the very centre of our culture.
It
is usually possible for us to live with contradictions regarding
epistemological truth. After all we live in a world where, for example, the
truths of a tree include firewood for burning together with the conservation
of natural heritage, the need for land for development and the notions of
common heritage and private property.[10]
Similarly the truths of healing and sickness include competing and
contradictory truths like: medicine, ancestors, the casting out of demons,
hospitals, sangomas, homeopathy and abathandazi.[11]
However
it is on the deeper level of the good that communities and individuals find
their synthesis and make their judgements about what truths to live by and
what to let be. Culture then is a reality in human life and experience which
touches all dimensions of our humanity and consequently all dimensions of
Christian experience.
4
Mediating Culture in Christian Praxis
What
are variously called Amission@,
Aministry@, Apractical
theology@
and Apastoral
theology@
are all aspects of the praxis of the church. Because it is the praxis of a
human community such praxis is always cultural. We need to recognise and
understand the culturality of praxis in order to reflect on it, make
judgements about it and determine new forms of it. In this way we recognise
the culturality of the Christian community.
For
the purposes of this article I am going to limit myself to the epistemological
level: that of understanding and human knowledge about the truth of things.
Epistemologically, culture can be understood as a symbol system which
communicates meaning between people. When people form human communities, their
shared meanings and understanding are what unite them together. These symbols
are culture texts which speak to the people within the culture so that those
who are within understand and those who are outside misunderstand.[12]
Language
is the easiest example of this. I am communicating meaning to you in English
and because we share a symbol system which calls this an Aarticle@,
which I wrote on a Acomputer@
for a Ajournal@,
understanding and knowledge regarding the truth of things is communicated. If
I were to write this in French then some of what I wish to communicate might
get through but some of the truth I wish to be communicate may not be received
in the way I wish.[13]
In Zulu the problem is even more pronounced since there are no words
for article, journal and computer except the borrowed English.[14]
But
understanding and knowledge don=t
only operate on the level of spoken or written language; there are many other
symbols which communicate meaning to us. Consider the many rituals of
initiation or passage in our society. There are many of them. Examples include
the 21st birthday, lebollo (Sotho-Tswana ritual initiation to manhood),
baptism and ukuhlolwa kwamantombazane (the ritual determination of
virginity of Zulu unmarried adolescent women). This latter which had been
largely abandoned in urban areas is presently being reintroduced in many parts
of KwaZulu-Natal as a response to the HIV-AIDS epidemic. In the area of
education we find culture texts like the Matric certificate and the University
degree. There are contested symbols of identity like the Arainbow
nation@,
the AAfrican@
or even AChristian@.
The
point is that cultural mediation gives us many diverse, even opposing, truths
about phenomena and human experience. The more of these we can know the better
we are able to understand. Prejudice usually comes out of misunderstanding or
judging only from one set of truths: those of one=s
own culture. Such judging is usually referred to as ethnocentricism.
If
we want to focus on symbols or culture texts which form part of Christianity
we could look at some general ones like Athe
statue@
in Catholic culture whose truth is/was an access to God for Catholics but
idolatry for Protestants and superstition for secular westerners. Another
interesting one is Athe
Bible@
which simplistically speaking is/was the only access to God in Protestant
culture, the word of God for all Christians, the Aliteral
word of God@
in fundamentalist culture, the Ainterpreted
word of God@
in liberal Protestant culture and one of the two forms of access to God,
together with tradition, in Catholic culture where the Old Testament comprises
46 and not 39 books. In secular western culture the bible is just a book
whereas it is one of several holy
books in Islamic culture and in Jewish culture the Old Testament only is
scripture.
Another
more recent example concerns the agreement on ASalvation
by Faith@
between Catholics and Lutherans. This major theological source of controversy
was largely resolved by moving away from the initial historico-cultural
controversy of the 16th century and re-appropriating truths and
values into a contemporary cultural context where the guiding value is the
promotion of unity.
5
Two examples of the mediating role of culture in Christian praxis
The
mediating role of culture in Christian praxis demands that we carry out some
form of cultural analysis both of the context where the praxis occurs and of
the Christian commnuity whose praxis it is. The best way to illustrate the
importance of such analysis in understanding how mission and ministry operates
is by example. Here are two from my own research. The first is concerned with
the healing ministry of the church and the second looks at the role of money
in Christian mission.
5.1
The healing ministry of the church
The
system of sickness and health within a human community is always cultural.
This is because people=s
experience of unwellness, whether in themselves or from what the
community indicates to them, has to be understood.[15]
The process of understanding usually works by means of an explanatory model
which helps people to put labels on the experience of sickness or health. In
this way people can identify if sickness is caused by a germ, a demon, a
neurosis, an ancestor or some other factor. The labels are given by the
culture and accepted by the community which shares the culture. A symbol
system of understanding around one area of human life can be called a semiotic
domain. It is a domain because it is a clustering of particular signs and
symbols all linked with one another into some kind of coherent whole. In this
case we are concerned with the semiotic domain of sickness and health.
Research
conducted in the early 1990's, at the end of the struggle years leading to the
birth of the new South Africa, suggest that in the South African Christian
context of that time there were at least five competing semiotic domains of
sickness and health.[16]
These were:
C
Western medical
model (curing disease)
C
African traditional
model (restoring life by restoring relationships)
C
Psychological model
(restoring sanity: a western traditional healing form)
C
Medieval model
(saving the soul)
C
Neopentecostal
(casting out demons of illness)
C
AIC model (casting
out evil spirits through the power of God, restoring relationships and
creating Zion on earth)
Healing
in the church has to take into account the truths of each of these semiotic
domains. People may, and indeed often do, use more than one, until they find
healing. So the first step in developing a theology of healing is to examine
the competing and cooperating truths of each of these semiotic domains in
order to see what may be acceptably assimilated into Christian practice. This
means we examine them to see which of these truths is compatible with the
Christian Gospel. Only after this step has been completed can we make an
informed theological judgement based on our Christian belief system expressed
scripturally as faith hope and love. Such a judgement is based on our idea of
the good.
The
way a local church carries out its own healing ministry must also take into
account how this praxis will be experienced and interpreted by people who
receive it. They too may live in worlds with competing and cooperating
semiotic domains of sickness and health as indicated above. It is for this
reason that the truth of what we intend may not be the truth of what is
received by those being ministered to.
All
human needs are culturally mediated in order to become human wants. In this
way culturally mediated human needs are generated as active wants by human
beings: I want to be healed; we want salvation. The human need for health is
thus mediated by the culture of the people in the context we are working into
a series of wants regarding healing. All
human needs are mediated by culture and turned into wants in this way. As the
Christian community responds in a pastoral context, it must recognise the
culturality of these wants and try to understand them. In this way the
response in Christian praxis will be to what has been recognised as a set of
culturally mediated human needs.
The
response as Christian praxis is also a culturally mediated response. Our
pastoral response is always mediated by our own Christian community and its
own culture. This culture may contain elements common to the context where
praxis is happening as well as elements particular to itself. Here we meet the
issue of a local church in dialogue with its own culture. We need to be aware
of the culturality is this response and we can achieve this only by an
adequate understanding of the culture of the church and the way it does its
praxis.
Generally
we can say that if the church and
the community share the same culture then the response as Christian praxis
will be more effective. So the western paradigm of sickness and healing will
work for western Christians in a western context. The AIC paradigm will work
for AIC Christians in an AIC cultural context and
the Neopentecostal paradigm will work for Neopentecostals in
Neopentecostal culture. This is one of the reason why cults and even some
churches try to keep people within the culture and community of the group and
to have nothing to do with outsiders. In this way people are removed from
their own context and deracinated from their own culture unless of course they
are born into such a group.
Other
more common problems arise when the Christian community and the local
community do not share the same culture and also when the Christian community
comprises communities having different
cultures. The first is the case in contexts of primary evangelisation and the
second is the case in global, urban and multicultural contexts.
In both of these a local church needs to understand the truths of the
cultural context within which it works and accept the contradictory or
conflicting nature of these truths. In the case of healing this means
accepting the role of germs, ancestors, evil spirits, or psychoses and
developing an embracing pastoral response which takes them all into account.
In
such a situation, criteria must be developed for an effective Christian
response. These criteria should take into account the truths that cultural
mediation of human needs reveal. They should include the acceptance of those
truths which are Acompatible
with the Gospel@
and which are in AUnion
with the universal church@
(EA 62) to use a Catholic expression or promote church unity in Protestant
parlance (WCC 1991:81-82; Lausanne 8 in Scherer & Bevans 1992:256). These
are criteria from scripture and from tradition as the presence of the Holy
Spirit in those who have gone before us marked with the sign of faith.
An
analysis should be made of the culturality of our present response followed by
suggestions for the way to develop a more effective culturally mediated
Christian praxis which responds not only to the culture of the Christian
community making it but also to the community receiving it. Such a response
represents praxis as our faith seeking understanding.
For
the healing ministry I have suggested that in our African context such a
praxis of healing should include medical factors, psychological factors,
cultural factors, counselling, socio-political responses, confession of sin
and reparation togther with communal prayer for deliverance from possession
and obsession (Bate 1999:314-315).
5.2
Catholic Mission and Money
5.2.1
AMoney@
and Aenterprise@
as modern western culture texts
Money, finance, enterprise
and resources are important cultural forms or Aculture
texts@
within modern western culture. They are symbols of high value, prestige and
power within this culture. Indeed it is Marx=s
thesis that they describe the
underlying basis of this culture, its worldview and its value system. They
create the fundamental economic semiotic domain of western society. When we
look at the emergence of Christianity within the Southern African (and indeed
sub-Saharan African) context we cannot avoid the fact of its linkage to this
important cultural domain. Both the Dutch East India company and the British
colonial endeavour committed themselves to the emerging Southern African
polities for economic reasons: the
Dutch for trade, the British largely for minerals.
Those
settlers for whom the Catholic Mission in South Africa was originally
established were here largely for financial reasons and often moved on when
these reasons were no longer valid.[17]
Modern western culture also had a Christian component although this continued
to decline in influence during the modern period.
Within
Christianity the cultural form Amoney@
is a far more ambiguous symbol. Scripturally, money is often portrayed
in a negative light especially in the New Testament.
C
the love of money is
the root of all evil (1Tim 6:10).
C
it is easier for a
camel to pass through the eye of a needle than for a rich person to enter the
Kingdom of God (Luke 18,25 and synoptic equivalents).
C
May your money be
lost for ever and you with it thinking that money could buy what God has given
for nothing (Acts 8,18).
As
well as this there is the fact that the disciple who betrayed Jesus was the
one who was responsible for the finances of the group and he did so for money
(Matthew 26 and parallel texts). Jesus
too, early in his ministry in his
most well known act of anger made a whip out of cord and drove out the money
changers and people selling animals for the temple sacrifice saying Atake all this out of here and stop using my Father=s
house as a market@
(John 2,16).
In
the history of the Church, too, we find money and wealth playing an often
disputed role. In the early middle ages the monasteries arose as centres of
economic development in the social chaos of the dark ages. At the time of the
reformation, the wealth of the papal and episcopal courts and the financing of
projects through the Aselling@
of indulgences were some of the signs which drove the reformers to begin again
with a purified Christianity.
When
we come to the question of the role of money in the early missionary period in
South African Catholicism a cultural analysis shows us that the missionaries
were part of their own culture and so tended to behave like the other settlers
in their desire to both access finance and to spend it in a way which would be
socially and culturally desirable. The common culture text within which this
process occurred was that of the Aenterprise@.
All the settlers came with the goal of setting up enterprises in the new
colonies. The enterprise might be a farm or a shop or a small business. The
cultural codes which delineated this culture text were largely common: access
funds or capital to set up the enterprise then insert it into the society in
such a way that it satisfied culturally mediated human needs within the
context, then work hard.
In
the context of the missionary enterprise of
these years these culturally mediated pastoral responses were of three
basic types:
C
the church building
as a locus for fulfilling the need for worship
C
the school as a
response to the culturally mediated need for education and
C
the clinic/hospital
as a response to the culturally mediated need for health care.
These
three Aenterprises@
were particularly successful since besides responding to a genuine social need
they also Aworked@
in that they provided access to finance for the enterprise. Catholic mission
in settler culture was thus based largely on these three enterprises. Within
the settler culture, those enterprises which did not access finance in some
way or other would not survive. In the church we see how these particular
enterprises were built up by public subscription, donations and other sources
often coming largely from the settler society itself.[18]
In the case of the school, finance was accessed through fees and in some cases
by a government grant.[19]
In the case of the hospital and clinic, financial support was often from the
government: local or regional as well as fees.[20]
5.2.2
AMoney@,
AFinance@ and APoverty@
in Catholic missionary culture
The
Catholic culture brought by the missionaries was not just conformed to the
western culture to which they belonged. It shared the biblical reserve about
money as expressed above but it also comprised two other expressions which
were largely counter cultural to the settler culture in Southern Africa. These
were in the hierarchical structure of the Catholic Church and in the value
placed on poverty through the vow taken in religious life. Since missionaries
were also settlers and participated largely in settler culture, they had to
integrate the often contradictory codes regarding money, finance and poverty.
This influenced the way money was understood in the Catholic Missionary
endeavour. An example of this will help.
In
western culture, ownership is determined by access to capital. So the ones who
have capital are able to buy the goods and services they require and they then
acquire the power of ownership over them. This is not the case in the Catholic
Church. Catholic culture imposes the norm (code) that the goods and benefits
of the Church are the property of the bishop.[21]
Here was a clear setting for culture clash and we are not surprised to find it
occurring. In Cape Town, for example, Bishop Griffith had to do battle with a
group of Achurchwardens...who
claimed for themselves the temporal administration of the church@
(Brown 1960:24). This conflict lasted for some time and it was only three
years later that the bishop could report that Alay
interference in church matters@
had stopped (quoted in Denis 1998:76).[22]
The
culture of hierarchy in Catholicism when mediated through the settler culture
of the time leads us to explore the notion of the bishop as
entrepreneur/businessman. As nominal owners and administrators of the property
and finances of the Church, bishops looked for ways to manage and grow their
assets. In this they tended to behave like any other settler entrepreneur and
like all businessmen, some were successful and some were not. Bishop Allard
was judged Aa
shrewd buyer of property@
(Brain 1975:108). Bishop Griffiths in the Cape also
seems to have been quite successful administratively since
Denis (1998:85) writes AThe
extension of the Vicariate was carefully planned. After Cape Town and
Grahamstown, a third mission was opened in Port Elizabeth in 1840. Then
followed George Town, Fort Beaufort and Somerset. In each place Griffith
appointed a Priest and raised funds for the building of a church@.
Systematic progress led to Simon=stown,
Graaf Rienet and Uitenhage missions during the 1850's. Others were less
successful and paid for it. The first Prefect Apostolic of the Transvaal, Fr
Monginoux was forced to resign in 1891 as a result of Ahis
administrative methods@ (Brain 1991:67).[23]
As
entrepreneurs of the Catholic faith the bishops had to enter into the semiotic
domain of the western economy. Brown(1960:90) writes AA large part of the records of the Church in South Africa were concerned
with money, and an ill disposed and superficial critic of it could write it
off as a commercial enterprise@.
But the bishops= attitudes and values
regarding finance also reflect the Christian and Catholic cultural negativity
about finance as shown above. ABishop Ricards and Bishop Grimley... thought of it as a nuisance and
worried desperately about the losses if the enterprise failed@
(:91). Bishop Leonard was
considered by some of his clergy as A
too much of an accountant in his dealings with them@
(:93). And in a telling comment about the ambiguity of the symbols of Amoney@
and Aenterprise@
in the life of the Vicars Apostolic Brown (:91) writes as follows: ARicards=
explanation about his methods and those of his subordinates suggest almost a
feeling of guilt, as though money were an evil even if necessary.@
Perhaps
the most powerful symbol within the Catholic missionary culture text Amoney@
was the religious vow of Apoverty@.
The purpose of this vow in Catholic culture is to provide a workable lifestyle
within which the access to wealth is undermined as a goal for life.
In
modern western culture, money is seen provides a means to satisfy almost all
of Maslow=s
hierarchy of needs: physiological, safety, belonging, esteem and even self
actualisation.[24]
In the culture of religious life it is the community which is responsible for
these allowing religious to focus on the Ahigher@
and transcendent issues of self actualisation through faith in God and the sequela
Christi. Money is then the concern of the community and not the
individual. Besides this, the cultural codes surrounding this vow elevate a
detachment from worldly needs to a value to be cherished. This has the effect
of reducing the power of money in the life of the missionaries to that of a
means to fulfil the goals of the mission only. The missionaries themselves
were prepared to accept great personal privation for the sake of the mission.
Examples
of the seriousness with which this vow was lived abound. An author of the
time, Barbara Buchanan writes of Fr Sabon the founder of the Catholic Church
in Durban: AHis
self denial was so well known that to conserve his health his friends used to
plot to ensure his attendance at meal times. There is an authentic story that
he refused a new coat and hat, lest the splendour should be attributed to
vanity and so give offence@
(in Brain 1975:176). Abbot Pfanner the founder of Mariannhill is quoted as
saying: ANo
missionary, be he priest or superior, should despise manual work@ (quoted in Baur 1994:194). In this regard he was critical of Protestant
missionaries who Ahad all the manual work done by Africans@
(:194). The same spirit of self denial is found amongst women religious. The
Holy Cross foundation in Umtata is a good example. AUntil
1891 three native huts formed their first convent. Food was scarce...There is
no mention of meat...The bishop...could promise them no material assistance
but told them they would have to rely, under God, on their own efforts.@
(McDonagh 1993:67-68).
We
can see from these few historical examples that the importance of the role of
money in the church=s
mission raises a number of questions. Any Christian praxis needs to
interrogate itself regarding issues like:
C
The role of money in
the culture of the people.
C
the place of money
in the culture of the church.
C
the role of money in
the creation of culturally mediated Christian responses to culturally mediated
human needs.
This
third issue is an extremely important, yet often neglected, area for Christian
theological reflection. Clearly money is important as one of the resources
used in western Christian praxis. So the need for effective theological
judgements which take into account both the truth of money in the different
semiotic domains or cultural contexts involved as well as in the notion of the
good we use in making our judgement become of paramount importance. This
demands that we at least consider issues like the following:
C
what is our faith
perspective regarding finance?
C
what is the role of
money in the culture to which we belong?
C
what is the role of
money in the culture to which we are ministering?
C
Who are the ones
with access to finance and to what extent does this give people the power to
construct the church in their own image?
Only
in this way can we construct Christian praxis which accepts the place of
cultural truths and values within. Without this consideration, these factors
continue to exert power which often distorts our efforts since they remain as
unreflected truths which operate without being recognised, named and
acknowledged. Such unnamed and unrecognised forces influencing and controlling
our actions are the stuff of demons.[25]
6.
Conclusion
Our
culture is an essential part of our humanity. In South Africa we have been led
to identify our culture with our racial or ethnic group. It is time to
deconstruct this superficial understanding. All people operate within cultural
matrices of symbols. Our Christian praxis is constructed out of such symbols.
If we do not recognise the presence of this culturality we are destined to
repeat mistakes of the past which constrained our theology and ministry into
cultural categories which were imported and applied willy nilly to our
context. The effectiveness of Liberation theology in Latin America was
weakened to the extent it relied solely on imported western philosophies such
as Marxism to establish its vision and strategy. When it succeeded it was
because of the creation of Christian praxis from within the Latin American
context. The subsequent incorporation of popular piety and the rise of Latin
American forms of evangelicalism are good examples of this.
The
identification of symbols and culture texts within our human and Christian
praxis is central to this process. In this article I have tried to indicate
these within two very different contexts: the healing ministry in the
apartheid struggle years and the role of finance in catholic praxis within a
19th century settler society. There are many such cultural contexts
both within our Christian history and within our current context. It is time
now to begin identifying these cultural carriers of power within the Christian
community to ensure that Christian praxis may respond to human concerns in a
human way. The incorporation of cultural analysis into our theologising as
shown here can be an effective tool in recognising the culturality of our
Christianity as part of God=s
image within us. It should also help us to recognise to what extent what we do
as Christians is a culturally mediated Christian praxis responding to
culturally mediated human needs.
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[1]This
article is based on an address to the PhD seminar, University of Natal ,
Pietermaritzburg in November 1999.
[2]I
prefer to use socialisation in a more general sense to refer to the process
of learning the language, social structure and behaviour patters of any
society into which one enters. Adults may also do this as they move from
society to society. Bur enculturation is a process of growing up in one=s
own culture and happens to children and adolescents. It is a deeper and more
powerful process than many socialisations. Enculturation as the first
socialisation is where we grow into our humanity.
[3]Christian
praxis can be categorised into these five areas: witness in life and unto
death, transmitting the word (evangelisation), community, worship and
service to others. See Bate 1999: 266-267.
[4]St.
Anselm (cur Deus Homo 1, II, c.11)expresses
this as fides quaerens intellectum (faith seeking understanding)
which remains one of the best starting points for an understanding of what
theology is about.
[5]Here
I follow Geertz (1973:33-54) who shows that our humanity and culturality are
deeply intertwined and who rejects the notion of a human nature which
culture just expresses
[6]In
this paper Amodern@ western
culture is contrasted with Apostmodern@ western
culture. The former refers to the culture of the enlightenment under the
philosophies of empiricism and rationalism including the virtues of
individualism, the work ethic and evolution. The latter describes the
subsequent (current) period where these values and philosophies are
increasingly questioned and relativity, uncertainty, emotion and
transcendence are re-appropriated.
[7]See
Sharp (1981) and Bate (1999: 235-238).
[8]I
do not wish to enter into the difficult area of descent groups, clans,
totemic groups lineages and such in Southern Africa indigenous cultures. See
Hammond Tooke 1993:107-116 for a description of the anthropological issues
here.
[9]Pirates
are a popular soccer club. The springboks are the South African rugby team
and bafana bafana is the name given to the national soccer team.
[10]See Zulu 1991 for the conflict around such Atruths@ and their
effect on Christian praxis.
[11]Township
healers who are consulted often on an individual basis for help with
personal and family problems. See Sikosana 1995.
[12]For
a fuller analysis of this see Schreiter 1985; Bate 1999: 248-251.
[13]I
met up with this problem when giving a conference in Kinshasa on South
African ACoping-healing@ churches.
French has no word for Acoping@ and the
translation of my article involved many emails to French speakers in France
and Canada and in the end I invented the French word Ale
coping@ much to
the chagrin, I suppose, of the AAcademie@ if they
ever find out.
[14]Most
languages borrow words as new understandings from elsewhere are introduced.
English is probably the most promiscuous on this level borrowing readily
from wherever required. The borrowing process however represents the
incorporation of some aspects of the truths of a semiotic domain from
another culture. Clearly it is not as easy as this since some meanings will
be altered as the new cultural domain is also fitted into the existing
cultural categories.
[15]There
are two ways of being sick. The first is when I feel unwell myself. The
second is when the community tells me that I am unwell even though I may
feel fine myself.
[16]Clearly
these are caricatures of the reality. For
a more detailed analysis see Bate 1999: 294-301.
[17]This
section is based on a forthcoming article. See Bate 2000 forthcoming.
[18]For
Cape town see Denis 1998:78; For Natal See Brain 1975:34-35;39-41; 112; for
Transvaal see Brain 1991:41;56-57;66.
[19]For
Cape Town see Denis 1998:79-80; For Natal see Brain 1975:113-116;135; For
Transvaal see Brain 1991:61;84.
[20]For
Johannesburg see Brain 1991:86-89; for Natal see Brain 1975:162; Brain
1982:28-33;35.
[21]a
simplification which will suffice for our purpose. For more detail see Bate
2000 forthcoming
[22]There
are several other examples which could be cited In the Eastern Vicariate see
(Brown 1960:120).
[23]For
other examples of failure see Brain 1991:118; :126.
[24]Maslow=s (1970)
famous hierarchy of needs proposes a psychological structure of five levels
of human need from the most basic (food, air and water) to the most
transcendent (self-actualisation). Whilst this hierarchy may tell us
something about the ontological structure of the human person in general the
point we are making here is that these needs will always be articulated in
terms of cultural categories.
[25]See
Bate 2000 for an understanding of demons in a postmodern western
consciousness as things which control, oppress or seduce us without our
awareness of them.